Japanese Politics Hear from Students
Recent student protests in Japan against the Liberal Democratic Party’s (LDP) suggested changes to constitutional reinterpretation have Japan watchers asking ‘is the sleepy Japanese student waking up?’ Nevertheless, what if they were never asleep or they were just awaiting the alarm clock to go away?
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s highly questionable reforms would allow a greater protection role for Japan’s Self Defense Forces. Criticism of Abe’s efforts has been widespread as well as reinvigorated by the 70th anniversary of the finish of World War II on Fifteen August 2015. The protesting students wish to maintain the status quo and they are demonstrating on a platform of serenity. In doing so, they are defying the actual stereotype that Japan’s youth are disinterested in politics.
The voting price among those in their 20s is actually below 30 percent, but 50 plus percent of young people in Japan claim an interest in national politics, according to the Japanese Cabinet Workplace. Yet only 30.Two percent of respondents towards the same survey answered that their involvement or contribution to politics would matter. Keep in mind that the LDP has held majority power in the Diet for several years, despite Japan’s economic malaise and challenges.
In the December 2014 election, the overall voting rate stood from 52 percent, the lowest within postwar history. National partisanship may contribute to low voting rates, even among older generations, as the answers are clear before the close associated with a election. Some youth-led organisations claim that internet voting may increase voting rates, particularly among younger decades.
Younger generations also express their own opinions in non-traditional forms such as blog posts and social media. Japanese tapas bars (izakaya), for example, incentivise engagement via articles on their websites as well as tweets. The Teen’s Rights Movement and Youth Produce use YouTube and Twitter to express their opinions and test younger generations’ attitudes towards politics. The Teen’s Legal rights Movement began with a objective in January 2013 to lower the voting age to Eighteen from 20 and engage youngsters participation in political discussion. Approximately 15,000 students engaged in political discussions with the Teen’s Rights Summit.
Nevertheless, the attitude of traditional educators towards political education is more complex. Civic education, such as the political content of senior high school curricula, has become increasingly questionable because of political proposals to reduce the voting age.
Traditionally, teachers have been required to present an apolitical persona, particularly in light of the draconian war propaganda practised in schools before World War II. In March 2015, a teacher from Osaka was reprimanded and dismissed because of not standing up to sing the nation’s anthem at a graduation ceremony. He or she remained seated because of his concern about the anthem’s connection to the war: he wanted to educate students about its history so that they will never result in the same mistakes of the war period.
The Japan Teachers’ Union argues that civic education shouldn’t stop at conducting mock voting or even learning about the rules relating to the election system. It should also include an element of social responsibility for citizens to use their voting rights in ways, which fosters active participation in societal issues.
These youthful advocates and older teachers will have their chance to participate soon. In June 2015, Japan’utes National Diet passed a good amendment to decrease the voting grow older from 20 to Eighteen, bringing Japan into line with the voting age of most nations.
The Japanese government’s motivations for that reform are unclear, even though the stated rationale is to increase interest in politics among the younger population. The amendment will raise the number of voters by almost 2.5 million people at the 2016 elections. The reforms are top-down as well as, for the politicians, it may be a case of ‘be careful what you wish for’. Until now, the voting rate has been greatest among the 60s age bracket — almost 70 percent — which undoubtedly influences parties’ policies.
Yet, voting may be overtaken by other approaches — and not just with regard to younger people. This 10 years seems to have seen an increase in well-liked demonstrations in Japan, starting in 2011 with protests towards restarting Japan’s nuclear energy plants. However, student sounds seemed absent until now. The current protests in relation to the proposed constitutional reforms coalesce with the Japanese government’utes decision to reduce the voting age from 20 to 18, but they are not necessarily linked.
The possible drivers for student participation in the protests are numerous. Some are more Japan-specific (Abe’s controversial reform agenda or Japan’s less stable economic and global position). Others are arguably normal with student movements globally (deficiencies in life and economic possibilities for young people). There is also the outcome of recent student protests somewhere else, including Hong Kong, Malaysia and Taiwan. How various generations interact on the protest agendas also remains to be seen.
The drop in the voting age does not necessarily mean that students will turn out in greater numbers in order to vote in 2016. There may be no candidates that they consider deserving and there is no guarantee that younger people will vote as a collective. However, it may be the beginning of something new — otherwise revolutionary — in Japan. More youthful people may yet start to influence the sort of Japan to which we are all waking.
Japanese students awaken to politics is republished along with permission from East Asian countries Forum