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  • Growth and Importance are Running Ahead of the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralisation

    Growth and Importance are Running Ahead of the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralisation

    The CMIM and ASEAN+3 MRO are struggling to keep up with growth.

    East Asian financial cooperation is at a crossroads. The Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralisation (CMIM) and its surveillance unit — the ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office (AMRO) — are continuing to grow in size and importance. However the structure of these two organizations must change to accommodate this growth.

    The CMIM is a currency exchange agreement among the finance ministries as well as central banks of the ASEAN+3 states (including the Hong Kong Monetary Authority). The scheme, which evolved from the earlier Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI) bilateral currency swap network in 2000, aims to provide financial support for short-term assets problems. To manage macroeconomic difficulties, each member can swap it’s local currency with US bucks up to the amount of its financial contribution to the reserve pool times its borrowing multiplier.

    After an amended agreement that came into effect on 17 July 2014, how big the CMIM was doubled from its initial value of US$120 billion in order to US$240 billion, and a crisis-prevention mechanism — the CMIM Precautionary Line (CMIM–PL) — was introduced. The IMF delinked portion was raised to 30 percent, meaning that members might draw up to 30 percent of their maximum borrowing amount with out requiring IMF lending conditions.

    Despite these types of accomplishments, the CMIM is still a work in progress. In May Next year, some member states pushed to increase the IMF delinked portion in order to 40 percent by 2014, but this has not yet been realised. AMRO continues to be drafting the operational guidelines and qualifications for accessibility CMIM–PL. And AMRO still has to go through domestic processes to ratify the ‘AMRO Agreement’, which will change it into an international organisation.

    These issues are intertwined and are essential to advancing this regional financial safety net. Addressing these issues requires clear vision about the long term relationship between the CMIM and other international lending institutions such as the IMF.

    The CMIM lending conditions must be tailored to be perfect for the interests and needs of East Asian nations, and can likely be different from the IMF’utes. But the differences between CMIM as well as IMF conditions must complement — not compete with — each other.

    The link with the actual IMF remains another concern. Once the CMI was introduced, ASEAN+3’s monitoring mechanism was not on par with the IMF’s. The states agreed to include IMF lending conditions into the CMIM in order to discourage moral hazard (when states take on more risk after being insured through other institutions).

    Since then, CMIM participants have worked to reduce links to the IMF. The delinked portion increased through 10 percent in 2000 to 30 percent in 2012. So when may ASEAN+3 raise the delinked portion further?

    The solution largely hinges on how AMRO evolves in years to come. If AMRO is strengthened and functioning well as a surveillance unit, the likelihood of moral hazard will be reduced, requiring less links with the IMF.

    But the entity must improve capability and further its role as an independent authority to effectively undertake these functions.

    The easier job is strengthening AMRO’s effort. AMRO remains very small — housing no more than a dozen experts — but there has been steps in the right direction. ASEAN+3 possess added two deputy directors and something chief economist to the office.

    But the jury is still out on how to make AMRO more independent. The entity aids the Executive Level Decision-Making Body (ELDMB) to create decisions on issues such as approving CMIM lending. But the ELDMB is actually mandated to oversee AMRO’s actions. The ELDMB consists of the deputy-level authorities of the ASEAN+3 finance ministries and main banks. As such, AMRO is inevitably tied to governments. Such a relationship could affect its activities.

    It seems clear that the CMIM cannot escape from the old game of sovereign politics. In East Asian financial history, inconsistent interests and contestations between states have spilled over and influenced several CMIM details.

    How may future outcomes unfold? Will they be in favour of the possible lenders (China, Japan and South Korea) or the potential debtors (ASEAN)? The decision-making structure of the CMIM has been set up in a way that no single fellow member is dominant. China (such as Hong Kong), Japan and the 10 ASEAN nations have equal vote reveal at 28.41 percent. South Korea’s vote reveal is smaller (14.77 %), but the two-thirds supermajority voting system allows the country to cast a determining vote under certain circumstances. Neither ASEAN nor the +3 nations may block a collective decision on its own. Future results will depend on how the parties collaborate with one another.

    In coming years, we are likely to see how the CMIM will progress. It’ll involve both technical elegance as well as politics. But the outcomes that do unfold will reveal priceless information about the political dynamics in East Asia. For those interested in East Asian local cooperation, the CMIM is definitely worth keeping an eye on.

    Where to now for the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralisation? is republished with permission from East Asia Forum

  • The Divergent Monetary Policy Theme and the Dollar

    The Divergent Monetary Policy Theme and the Dollar

    Currencies have been on quite a ride against the dollar.

    The US dollar has been on a roller coaster ride. Many have lost confidence in the underlying trend.  An important prop for the dollar, namely the prospects for the Fed's lift-off, extends again, this time ostensibly due to the heightened unpredictability of the financial markets, apparently sparked by events in The far east.

    The September Fed funds futures have nearly fully listed out the risk of a hike next month. The effective Given funds have traded 14-15 bp this month, and the September Fed funds contract suggests an average effective rate of 17.5 bp next month.

    We continue to believe that the main driver of this third significant dollar rally since the end associated with Bretton Woods is the divergence of the flight of monetary policy between the US (and UK) and nearly all the other high income countries, and lots of emerging markets, including The far east.  There are a number of cross currents, and other considerations, including marketplace positioning, use of euro as well as yen for funding reasons, and hedging flows which at times may obscure or perhaps reverse (technical correction) the actual trend.

    Nevertheless, we expect the actual divergence theme to gain more traction over time.  The Federal Reserve may raise rates at some juncture and not only will the ECB and BOJ continue to ease for at least the next 12 months, but there is danger that the central bank stability sheet exercise lasts a lot longer.  The ECB's staff, which will update its forecasts in the week ahead, is likely to cut both its growth and inflation forecasts at the September 3 central bank meeting.

    The Dollar Index slammed to its lowest level since January in the market panic at the start of last week.  This overshot the minimum objective from the double top pattern we noted (~94.30).   It rebounded as well as on Thursday had retraced nearly Sixty one.8% of the decline since the July 7 (~98.33).  The trend line drawn off that high and also the August 19 high (~97.’08) comes in near 95.Eighty on Monday and drops to about 95.15 by the end of the week.  A move above Ninety six.40 would signal a return of the 98.00-98.30 area.

    The panic saw the dinar reach almost $1.1715 at the start of last week.  The subsequent sell-off saw it shed a lot more than nickel.  The euro settled on its lows for the week, leaving a potential shooting star candlestick formation on the every week charts.  The break associated with $1.12 creates scope for an additional half cent of diminishes but pushing the euro below the $1.1130 area may require fresh fundamental incentives, possibly by means of more confidence that the Fed is still on track to hike rates next month, or that the ECB is particularly dovish.   On the upside, the $1.1280-$1.1310 band should limit dinar gains if the euro bears squeezed out of their shorts re-establish.

    Switzerland suddenly reported that its economy broadened in Q2.  The consensus had been expected the second consecutive quarterly contraction.  That helped booth the dollar's upside momentum.  The CHF0.9680 is a potent block now to additional dollar acquire, though if overcome, the following target is near CHF0.9800.  Assistance is near CHF0.9500.  Support for that euro is at CHF1.0750 and then CHF1.0700.  A rest of CHF1.0680 would mark a substantial technical deterioration.

    The dollar additionally retraced 68.2% of its losses against the yen of the drop from August 18 high close to JPY124.50 through the spike have less August 24 near JPY116.20.  Overcoming that retracement objective close to JPY121.35, a band of resistance exists in the JPY121.80-JPY122.15 which will provide the next test.    Around the weekly charts, the buck posted a potential bullish sludge hammer pattern.  An appreciating buck against the yen assumes firm, if not rising US prices, and stability to higher equities.

    The greenback rose against virtually all of the currencies last week save japan yen. Sterling was among the poorest.  Losing about 2.20%, sterling nearly matched up the Australian dollar's decline (2.25%), only surpassed by the New Zealand dollar's 3.35% fall.  Since August 18, the implied yield on the June 2016 short sterling futures contract dropped more than 13 bp because investors anticipate that greater deflationary forces will delay the BOE rate hike.

    Sterling fell to its lowest level since July 8 before the weekend.   A persuading break of the low established then (~$15330) could spur an additional drop into the $1.5180-$1.5200 area. Sterling shut below its 100-day moving typical (~$1.5480) for the first time since early May.  It has spent most of the last two months above the 200-day moving typical (~$1.5370) as well.  On the weekly graphs, sterling posted a large outside lower week, which is a bearish development.  On the top side, the $1.5450 area ought to offer resistance.

    The Australian buck tested a monthly trend collection dating back to 2001.  It is near $0.7025.  Assisted by a head and shoulders bottom on the hourly bar charts, the Aussie dollar bounced a little through $0.7200 before the sellers re-emerged.  It ceased shy of the measuring objective of the head and shoulders pattern, which seems to reflect the aggressiveness of the bears.  Even though there is no expectation that the RBA may cut rates when it fulfills on September 1, they’ll likely not rule out the next cut.  A rate cut gets to be more likely if the currency stops falling.  Look for another check on the $0.7000-$0.7025 support. 

    Canada's basic principles are poor and this appeared to outweigh the recovery within oil prices.  In addition, the US two-year premium over Canada recouped most of the ground it had lost earlier in the 7 days. Canada expects to statement a contraction in Q2 Gross domestic product in the coming days and a softening of the labor market in August.  The US dollar's pullback in the CAD1.3355 spike on August Twenty five fizzled near CAD1.3140.   Another run at the highs looks likely.  Over the longer term, we look for the Australian dollar to fall towards $0.6000 and the US buck to rise toward CAD1.40.

    Oil costs staged a strong rebounded in the other half of last week after falling to $37.75 on August 24.  The bounce carried the October light crude futures contract to $45.25, which completes a Sixty one.8% retracement of the slide in prices since July 29.  The next objective is near $46.Eighty and then $48.00.  There is great momentum, and the October contract finished the week above it’s 20-day moving average (~$42.95) for the first time since June 23.  The October contract posted a possible key reversal on the weekly bar charts.  It made a new multi-year low early in the week and then proceeded to rally, taking out the previous week's highs.  It closed at its highest level since the finish of July. 

    The 10-year US Treasury yield plunged to 1.90% in the stress at the start of last week.  As markets calmed and economic information, including durable goods purchases and a sharp upward revision to Q2 GDP helped yields recover by 30 bp before consolidating.  Some link the rise in US yields to selling by Chinese authorities.  While we do not rule out a few Treasury sales, we suspect exaggeration, as is the market's wont.

    Note that the TIC data, which is not complete, but authoritative, shows China's holdings of US Treasuries rose by about $27 bln in H1 14, the most recent data.  The Federal Book custody holdings of Treasuries with regard to foreign officials rose through about $26 bln this month, which includes $9 bln liquidation over the past two weeks.  We assume yields can move back into the 2.20%-2.25% range.  A stronger barrier in yields may be closer to 2.33%. 

    The S&P 500 recoup half of what it lost once you have registered the record high on August 18 near 2103 to the panic low near 1867 on July 24-25.  That retracement is near 85.  Small penetration of this did take place, but buying grew shy ahead of the 2000 tag.  The 61.8% retracement is close to 2013, and additional resistance is likely near 2050.   Support is incorporated in the 1940-1945 area.  While the technical factors appear constructive, with a potential bullish hammer candlestick design on the weekly charts, advancements in overseas markets are a wild card. 

    Observations based on speculative positioning in the futures market: 

    1.  The actual CFTC reporting week ending July 25 saw large swings in currency prices and several significant (10k contracts or even more) adjustments of speculative yucky futures positions.  The gross long euro and yen positions jumped 19.3k contracts (to 87.8k) and 14k (in order to 59.9k) respectively.  A Thirty seven.1k contract decline in the risky gross short position displays a powerful short squeeze. 

    2.  The actual gross short Australian dollar position jumped by 13.6k contracts to 111.0k, which makes it the second largest gross short position after the euro.  The euro's gross short position cut by 7.3k contracts, departing 153.9k still short.  The gross short Mexican peso position jumped by 18.4k contracts to 103.5k. 

    3.  Although there were minor adjustments in the speculative gross sterling placement, they were sufficient to switch the net position from short in order to long for the first time since Sept 2014.  The bulls added 6k contracts towards the gross long position, that now stands at 58.1k contracts.  The bears cut the gross short placement by 1.2k contracts, leaving 54.8k.  The net lengthy position stands at 3.3k contracts. 

    4.  The general pattern was adding to longs and cutting shorts for the euro, yen, and sterling.  Speculators added to gross short Canadian and Australian dollar positions and the Mexican peso.  Speculators trimmed gross wishes of these currencies, except for the Canadian dollar.

    5.  Given the following price action over the July 26-28, we suspect that some of these new positions were unwound in the euro and yen.  Sterling drop in the second half of last week warns that some of the late longs may have also been reduce.  Sentiment still appears extremely negative toward the dollar-bloc. 

    6.  The web long US 10-year Treasury futures tucked to 1.3k contracts from 7.3k.  Gross longs and pants were cut.  The bulls sold 58.4k contracts, leaving the actual gross long position from 395.2k contracts. The has covered 52.4k gross brief contracts, leaving 393.9k. 

    7.  The net lengthy speculative light sweet oil futures positions were pared through 5k contracts, leaving 215.6k.  Given the large movement in prices, it is surprising to see exactly how small of a position adjustment took place.  The longs added 1k contracts, lifting the yucky position to 474.2k contracts.  The bears trimmed their own gross position by 4k agreements, leaving 215.6k.

    The Dollar: Now What? is republished with permission from Marc to Market

  • September Stabilization Set Aside for Now

    September Stabilization Set Aside for Now

    Market direction seems to depend on the day, and not much else.

    The capital markets are quieter today.  Equities remain heavy, however losses are comparatively moderate.  Core bond yields are slightly softer.  The US dollar is firmer against the major and most emerging market currencies. 

    The news stream is light and the focus before the ECB meeting tomorrow is the US ADP work estimate.  Expect a 200k increase after 185k in July.  The Bloomberg consensus is for a 218k rise in nonfarm payrolls when reported on Fri. 

    The EIA energy report also will draw attention.  The crude stockpile expects to rise by 900k barrels.  Even when US production is not what it really was estimated under the prior methodology, output is still popular higher than consumption.  Last week's run-up to almost $50 a barrel for that Oct light sweet raw contract is a distant memory.  The nearly $1 loss today brings the contract to nearly $43.50, which is a 50% retracement of the rally off the spike low on August Twenty-four.  The next retracement level is near $42.15.

    Australia reported Q2 growth had been half of what the consensus anticipated at 02% on the quarter.  The actual Australian dollar was pressed below $.7000 for the first time in six years.  It recovered to $0.7050 were it had been sold again.  A break of $0.6980 focuses on $0.6950.  On Thursday, Australia reviews retail sales and trade figures.  The derivatives markets are pricing in about a 50% chance of a November rate reduce. 

    The UK reported a under expected improvement in building PMI.  The August studying stands at 57.Three, up from 57.One in July, but shy of the 57.5 consensus forecast.  Sterling has under-performed this week, despite BOE'utes Carney signaling higher rates in the UK at Jackson Hole last weekend. After the Aussie and Kiwi's 2% reduction over the past three sessions, sterling may be the weakest of the majors, shedding about 0.75%.  It has been pushed via $1.53 for the first time since earlier June.  The initial approach associated with support near $1.5250 has sparked some buying.  It that much cla goes, stronger support is near $1.5200. 

    Chinese markets, which ostensibly have been the source of the increased volatility, are now closed till next Monday. President Xi offers put much importance ultimately of WWII celebration in China. Production was slowed or halted around Beijing to reduce the pollution.  Even though some reports had suggested large-scale treatment in the equity market might cease, the guiding hands of officials was still regarded as present in order to provide a few element of stability ahead of the special event. The key then is what occurs next week. 

    We have argued the seemingly policy confusion is a reflection of a political struggle within China. We suggested the concentration of power by Xi means the curbing of the Leading Li.  Li is being associated with the large-scale intervention in the stock market that has failed to originate to the tide.  Xi has upped the ante by rebuking the Youth League, which is a main political faction.  Li's roots are with the League.  Xi criticized them to be out of touch and apparently trying to block Xi's changes. 

    Separately, yesterday Hong Kong Monetary Authority intervened the other day to prevent the Hong Kong dollar from appreciated through the top of its peg.  The intervention was the very first since April.  Officials verified selling about HKD15.5 bln (~$2 bln) to protect the HKD7.75 level. The US dollar remained pinned there these days, suggesting the possibility of more intervention.  Official confirmation has not yet been provided. 

    Reports suggest that because 2009, there have been eight occasions in which the S&P 500 offers lost more than 2% on the first trading day of a new 30 days.  The market finished the 30 days higher each time.  Twice the gain was less than 1%, as well as twice the gain had been more than 10%.  Three times the monthly gain was between 5.9% and 6.7%.  The remaining time, the market finished 2.35% higher. 

    The euro is finding assistance near $1.1240.  On the topside, initial opposition is near $1.1320. Yesterday's higher was near $1.1330.  The 38.2% retracement of the move from $1.1715 on August 24 to $1.1155 on July 28 is near $1.1370. 

    The dollar recorded a low near JPY119.20 late in North America the other day and has since recovered toward JPY120.50.  While the euro offers retraced almost a third of its losses, the yen has retraced 50% at JPY119.15.  A move above JPY120.Fifty today likely requires increases in the S&P 500 as well as firmer US yields.

    Calmer Markets but Sense of Foreboding still Powerful is republished with permission through Marc to Market

  • Going Global with the Yuan

    Going Global with the Yuan

    Is the yuan moving closer to becoming a global currency?

    According to Dan Steinbock, the internationalisation of the renminbi is actually accelerating. The inclusion from the yuan in the IMF basket of reserves is now a matter of time.

    On July 11, the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) adjusted the actual exchange rate of the Chinese language renminbi (RMB) against the US dollar to reflect market conditions. The net impact was a devaluation of 1.9% in accordance with the dollar.

    The adjustment had been an effort to comply with the requirements the International Monetary Account (IMF) to include the yuan in the book currency basket. The move towards a more market-determined rate is what the IMF and the US Treasury, along with European financial authorities, have been asking for.

    It aligns well with Beijing’utes effort to speed up the RMB internationalisation.

    The Renminbi Goes International

    Today, China is the world’s biggest exporter and the second-largest economy in the world in absolute terms. At the end of last year, the RMB moved into the fifth position in global payments, but still accounts barely over 2% of the international payments total. However, its explosive possible reflects its rise as a settlement currency for China’s global trade to 23% by early 2015.

    Until the global financial crisis, the RMB had little exposure to worldwide markets because of government controls that prohibited almost all exports from the currency, or its use within international transactions. In the era of Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, China is rebalancing toward consumption and development, and Beijing is fostering the RMB’s rise in worldwide finance.

    After China joined the planet Trade Organization (WTO) in Mid 2001 and exports truly took off, the actual RMB has evolved as an international currency for paying for goods and services. Within this era – roughly, the 2000s before the global crisis – foreign multinationals invested in China, but Chinese foreign investment was minimal.

    In the 2nd stage – the first half of the actual 2010s – China consolidated its part as the world’s trading engine. As Chinese capital is actually increasingly going out, leading Chinese brands, from ICT (Lenovo, Huawei, Tencent, Alibaba, China Cellular) to financial institutions (ICBC, China Construction Bank, Agricultural Bank associated with China, Bank of The far east) to oil and gas (Sinopec, PetroChina) are becoming familiar abroad.  Further, the RMB’s role is expanding as a currency for worldwide investment.  Concurrently, the number of Chinese vacationing overseas has soared in order to 117 million.

    In the third stage, the actual RMB seeks to achieve a new status as a reserve currency with sovereign governments. That is where we’re today. The transition will not occur without friction. All major international currencies – the US dollar, Euro, British sterling as well as Japanese yen – have experienced their share of growth discomfort.

    The summer turmoil in the Chinese equity markets reflects these types of transitional challenges. In early The year 2013, I predicted the impending boom in the Chinese markets. Within mid-June, that boom resulted in a serious correction. Despite volatility, the potential of Chinese market prevails.

    RMB Monetary Channels

    The internationalisation of the RMB also benefits from the actual steady expansion of new RMB cleaning banks, which provide direct access to RMB liquidity in China, while contributing to the expansion of offshore RMB.

    The launch of the Shanghai-Hong Kong Stock Connect – the cross-boundary investment channel which connects the two markets – has boosted the growth of trading volumes, along with Shanghai’s Free Trade Zone (FTZ), which is paving way to new FTZ reforms in other cities.

    Despite initial specialized challenges and the Chinese stock market correction, the China Worldwide Payment System (CIPS) expects a fall introduction. Scaled down, its use will be for cross-border yuan trade deals.

    There are almost an estimated $500 billion of RMB bilateral currency swaps – agreements between two nations to ensure access to each other’utes currency if needed – in China and more than 30 countries.

    These efforts are complemented by the launch from the massive “One Belt, 1 Road” regional initiatives in China’utes regional proximity and internationally.

    After years of hollow reform promises by the G7 nations, China can also be taking a more proactive role in global finance, with the BRICS New Development Bank and also the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). Despite initial US resistance, the AIIB took off dramatically last spring, especially after the UK joined the bank, which provided the way for other EU economies.

    Emergence of RMB Commodity Trading

    Intriguingly, the dominant role of the dollar in global commodity pricing evolved in the 1970s once the US dominance began to deteriorate. When America became an energy importer, it grew more dependent on the leading oil producers. As the Middle East’s oil economies opted for the dollar because payment currency, the petrodollar era came to rest on financial and strategic relations (oil for US dollars and military aid).

    Until recently, these arrangements have enhanced US geopolitical might in the Middle East, including Washington’s ties with Saudi Arabia. However, as the US shale revolution became popular and China’s role as the largest buyer has steadily increased in the region, the old status quo is gradually eroding.

    While the actual dollar remains the dominant forex for most commodities, China’s part in international commodity trade has increased dramatically. It is the biggest consumer of iron ore, zinc oxide, lead and copper. In the coming years, increasing share of commodity trade is likely to cost in RMB, as evidenced through the emergence of RMB-denominated contracts upon exchanges in Chinese cities.

    As the world’s largest customer and producer of precious metal, China also hopes to lead to determining gold prices. Just three years ago, Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing bought the London Metals Exchange, while Shanghai is going to launch an RMB-denominated gold-index.

    In the future, item prices are likely to gravitate towards the RMB and other large emerging-economy currencies.

    The $1 Trillion Dollar Reserve-currency Decision

    The RMB’s route to a major reserve currency includes economic and geopolitical challenges. In the past, the value of the currency has caused major debates. These ended in May, when the IMF reported that the RMB was valued, while advocating Beijing to develop a flying exchange rate within 3 years.

    Nevertheless, US Congress and the Treasury still argue that the RMB should be buying and selling at higher levels from the dollar, due to China’s industry surplus, the plunge associated with oil prices, and rising Chinese productivity. These quarrels are no longer persuasive, however.

    The trigger for the fall of oil prices was the US shale trend and the Middle East’s overcapacity. The US has had regional trade deficits for decades with East Asia (first with Japan, then with the Asian tiger financial systems, and more recently with China). In addition, in the decade just before recent turmoil, the RMB appreciated 30% against the dollar.

    According to China’s central bank, foreign central banks held over $110 million in RMB-denominated assets in April. Despite rapid RMB expansion, the actual starting-point is low. In 2014, complete foreign exchange reserves amounted to more than $6 trillion.

    Today, the RMB satisfies most basic preconditions of a reserve forex. China has become the second-largest economy on the planet. Second, the RMB has evolved within an environment of low inflation, small budget deficits and stable growth. Third, an upswing of the RMB as major book currency relies on strong institutional support. The fourth condition requires deep, open and well-regulated capital marketplaces, which is why China is speeding up financial reforms. In April, Beijing pledged that the capital account liberalisation would occur after the year.

    China had hoped the RMB could be in the IMF’s container by January 1, 2016. Nevertheless, in early August, they requested the IMF to delay its RMB inclusion until September 2016. The timing matters. Before the summer, Standard Chartered and AXA Investment Managers estimated that at least $1 trillion of worldwide reserves would switch in to Chinese assets when the IMF encourages the RMB as a reserve forex.

    Toward Multiple-currency Reserves

    In nominal terms, the size of the Chinese economy is likely to exceed those of the US in the 2020s. However, dimensions are not everything. While the US economy surpassed that of Britain in the late 19th century, sterling remained the preferred currency in international commerce and the dominant device for investments and sovereign reserves well into the early 20th hundred years.

    Things began to change after The first world war, when the dollar surged within trade finance. As traders began to move from sterling to dollar and central banks started to expand their dollar reserves, the stage was set for a transition.

    In the past half a decade, the RMB has achieved dramatic progress in commodities, trade, investment and sovereign reserves. It is increasingly central to item trading. The RMB’s catch-up using the Japanese yen and the British pound will take longer – and even longer, to gain parity using the dollar and the euro, which still represent 45% and 28% associated with international payments, respectively.

    Nevertheless, the actual RMB’s role as a main reserve currency is now a matter of time. In the short-term, the changeover means increasing market unpredictability. In the medium-term, it has potential to support China’s rebalancing and thus growth potential customers globally.

    The RMB will be the first emerging-economy currency that will join the sovereign supplies. In that role, it will lead way to other major emerging-economy currencies in the future.

    The Internationalisation of the Renminbi is republished along with permission from The Difference Group

  • Australia's Win is ISDS's Gain

    Australia's Win is ISDS's Gain

    Philip Morris loses against Australia and that helps ISDS.

    Christmas has come early for promoters of tobacco control, along with tobacco giant Philip Morris’s lawsuit against Australian plain product packaging legislation ruled invalid. Australia will not have to pay any problems to Philip Morris. Indeed, it is likely that there will be an order for Philip Morris in order to reimburse the Australian government’s costs in defending this particular suit.

    This outcome is also an early Christmas present for defenders of much maligned buyer state dispute settlement (ISDS). The Philip Morris case had become the bogeyman of ISDS. It was held up as a reason to object to ISDS clauses in free trade agreements.

    This is understandable. A tobacco company sued a government for enacting laws designed to improve public wellness. They used a little understood mechanism – ISDS – to sue, even with lost in Australian legal courts. International trade law conflicts rarely have such a clear-cut bad guy. It is natural to distrust the mechanisms they trusted. However, this victory – in the first ISDS claim brought against Australia – ought to allay those concerns.

    The award

    This determination is a victory for common sense. Philip Morris argued that the plain packaging legislation – which helps prevent them from using their images on the packages of their cigarettes and in advertising – was “expropriatory”. That’s it was akin to the government appropriating their assets without payment. Further, Philip Morris argued they were entitled to compensation for lost profits. I have previously noted that this position is nonsense. It has no basis in law. Philip Morris were seeking suspension from the plain packaging legislation and compensation of “an amount to be quantified but of the order of billions of Australian dollars.”] They will get nothing.

    In a typically truculent press release, Philip Morris continued its attack on plain packaging. Its grandiose claim that the actual “real point” of the dispute went to “the essence of the guideline of law” is correct; though possibly not in the way they plan.

    Ultimately, this dispute turned on a question of jurisdiction. Australia contended that Philip Morris was not entitled to bring ISDS proceedings. It argued that Philip Morris had improperly made a international “investment” to avail itself of those proceedings. It also argued which Philip Morris misrepresented the nature of its expense to the Australian government. Additional Australia argued that the situation constituted an abuse of correct. For these reasons, Australia argued that the case could not proceed. In essence, Australia was asking the tribunal to find that Philip Morris had – to use a colloquialism – attempted to “game” the machine. That jurisdictional argument succeeded.

    While the actual specifics are not yet published, it is clear that the tribunal offers rejected Philip Morris’ capacity to bring this suit. Multinational companies are unable to use free trade contracts and investment treaties to do an end run around the proper procedures. This is entirely in keeping with the essence of the rule of law.

    Myth busting

    This case exposes most of the errors opponents of ISDS proceedings make. Claims that this kind of proceedings are secret are simply untrue. Large swathes of this challenge are available online, just as court procedures in Australia would be. The equivalent ISDS clause contained in the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement goes further. It has very far-reaching and particular provisions requiring disputes to be resolved transparently.

    Equally, we can now demonstrate that these cases proceed according to fairly standard legal procedures. Claims that such tribunals aren’t bound by precedent and therefore they aren’t bound to follow the ordinary lawful process are incorrect. That claim discloses a misunderstanding from the nature of precedent.

    Many other areas do not share Australia’s technical rules of precedent – the “stare decisis” rule. Yet they still make predictable choices. Civil law countries utilize “jurisprudence constante”. This rule strikes a balance between the need for predictable decisions and the civil law insistence that just the legislature may make law. Worldwide law must accommodate a plurality of legal systems. Australia’s approach to legal reasoning is not the last word in rights. Predictable, coherent legal choices are possible even without strict application of stare decisis.

    I previously called for a sober analysis of the costs and benefits of ISDS conditions. Australia’s victory over Philip Morris must take much heat out of this debate.

    The bogeyman has been slain.

    Australia’s plain product packaging win over Philip Morris should take the heat off ISDS is republished with permission in the Conversation

    The Conversation

  • Sri Lanka Turns (a good) Corner Toward the Future

    Sri Lanka Turns (a good) Corner Toward the Future

    Sri Lanka used 2015 to move away from its brutal past.

    It is no exaggeration to say that 2015 will be remembered as a main turning point for Sri Lanka as a country. The Sri Lankan people made a decisive choice towards democracy and good governance, towards communal reconciliation and for moving the country back again towards its traditional international policy orbit. It was a reassertion from the values that could make Sri Lanka the actual success story of South Asia.

    Sri Lanka started 2015 with a damaged and authoritarian regime, led by Mahinda Rajapaksa, which seemed likely to be in power for another decade. In 2009, Rajapaksa had successfully brought to a finish Sri Lanka’s decades-long civil war with the ruthless destruction of the Tamil insurgency. Rajapaksa’utes military victory, and normal scare campaigns about renewed Tamil militancy, gave him what seemed to be an almost permanent stranglehold over the Sri Lankan polity.

    Since 2009, the Rajapaksa family had prolonged their hold over key political and civil establishments, undermining the whole fabric of government in Sri Lanka. Over the years, they grew to become more and more corrupt, ultimately highlighting on a kleptocracy.

    Rajapaksa also moved Sri Lanka out of its traditional foreign policy orbit — that of a non-aligned country that was broadly pro-Western and generally prudent about it’s relations with India. Recently, Sri Lanka’s relations with both United States and India had become increasingly tense, largely more than Rajapaksa’s refusal to get back together with the Tamil minority or investigate claims of war offences.

    Rajapaksa became ever closer to China, awarding Chinese companies lucrative infrastructure projects in return for large kickbacks. The relationship increasingly extended into the security realm, including giving China control of strategic ports. Visits of Chinese submarines to Colombo in late 2014 seemed to signal that Sri Lanka may be on the way to becoming a key defence partner for China in the Indian Ocean region.

    However, all this came to a squealing halt in January 2015. Whenever Rajapaksa called a snap election in November 2014, the result seemed a foregone conclusion. In a dramatic change, one of his own cabinet ministers, Maithripala Sirisena, questioned him. In the space of a few weeks, Sirisena managed to put together the rainbow coalition and ultimately beat Rajapaksa well. Rajapaksa made another run for power in Sri Lanka’s parliamentary elections in August 2015 but again was soundly beaten, allowing Sirisena and his allies to consolidate their jobs.

    These events are an indication that democratic instincts are deeply ingrained within Sri Lankan society. Rajapaksa’s defeat evolved as the result of several factors: a rejection of Rajapaksa’s endless triumphalism within the civil war and his rejection to reconcile with the Tamil community, the blatant corruption associated with Rajapaksa and his family, and worries over growing Chinese influence in the country.

    For his part, Sirisena has done remarkably well for someone that came to power at the mind of a coalition whose main point of agreement was opposition in order to Rajapaksa. Sirisena signalled a new era in the governance of Sri Lanka by reversing the centralisation of power that had occurred under Rajapaksa. He pledged to only serve one term as president, transferred many presidential powers to the prime minister and set up independent commissions to oversee the judiciary, police and elections. Key people in the Rajapaksa family were imprisoned on corruption charges.

    The new administration also took a few important steps towards reconciliation with the Tamil community. Tamils are progressively being brought back into nation-wide politics. There are plans to establish a completely independent domestic truth and reconciliation commission to examine atrocities committed during the civil war, in addition to compensate victims. This continues to be a contentious area, however the right signals are there.

    Sirisena additionally decisively repositioned Sri Lanka’s international stance, specifically in reassuring New Delhi that Sri Lanka might take a ‘balanced’ stance and not permit itself to be used by The far east to threaten India. Narendra Modi created the first visit by an Indian prime minister to Sri Lanka in almost 30 years.

    Sirisena has also tackled some controversial foreign investments. Plans to build huge casinos were scrapped. In addition, the Colombo Interface City project, awarded in order to Chinese companies under dubious circumstances, is being reviewed.

    Sri Lanka’utes apparent move away from authoritarianism, kleptocracy and public division augurs well for its future. Sri Lanka is the wealthiest state within South Asia in per capita terms and in spite of suffering decades of civil war, its social indicators are among the best in the region. Even though economic growth slowed somewhat to 6.3 percent in 2015 because of political uncertainties, the Asian Development Bank a rebound to growth of around 7 percent in 2016.

    If political stability and good governance could be maintained, Sri Lanka seems well positioned to take advantage of the developing economic integration between east and southern Asia. Its geographic location, educated labor force and relatively open economy allow it to be an attractive destination for low cost production industries that are moving out of Southeast Asia and China. Sri Lanka might be a major beneficiary of China’s Maritime Silk Route effort, which involves developing infrastructure as well as new special manufacturing zone although it will need to ensure that by doing this it does not antagonise New Delhi. In the coming years, Sri Lanka has the potential to become a ‘Bengal Tiger’ to competitor some of the East Asian economic tigers.

    Sri Lanka’s year of democracy, reconciliation and rebalancing is republished along with permission from East Asian countries Forum

  • Can Vietnam's Communist Party Separate Power and Politics?

    Can Vietnam's Communist Party Separate Power and Politics?

    Vietnam always seems to be on the cusp of change.

    Every five years, Vietnamese dare to hope this time, the ruling Communist Party will take a chance on change.

    Four successive party congresses have simply kicked the ball in the future. They have redistributed positions mainly with a view to protecting factional balance. The leadership has been left deadlocked on core issues: Vietnam’s stance toward The far east and other powers, the state’s role in the economy and regardless of whether Party actions should be susceptible to review by independent judges.

    The 12th Party Congress will convene early in 2016. About 1400 delegates will assemble in Hanoi to verify agreements hammered out one of the party’s heavyweights. The most likely outcome is the election of the current Pm, Nguyen Tan Dung, to the top party post: general secretary. A majority of their allies and protégés will likely be elevated to the party Politburo or executive committee.

    The foreign media are apt to spin the 12th Congress as a referendum on Vietnam’s foreign policy orientation: may the Party’s pro-Chinese wing cling to key posts or should they yield to a pro-American faction? They will be behind the curve. That perennial issue was resolved six months ago when US The president assured the current General Secretary, Nguyen Phu Trong, that the United States is quite alright with Vietnam’s current political system. China has misplaced Vietnam’s ‘strategic trust’ and the United States is on the way to winning it. It is an epochal shift that is situated Hanoi between the two superpowers but in the wallet of neither.

    At the 12th Congress, Dung seems poised to dominate. He is a savvy politician who in 10 years as prime minister has built a formidable bloc associated with supporters, a coalition of reformers (through Party standards) and opportunists. On the current Central Committee, they are a solid majority who has two times blocked unusually public attempts by the Politburo to trim Dung’s sails.

    Party members know that revolutionary catch phrases no longer move the masses. It has been 40 years since the nation had been unified under Communist rule and also the median age of its Ninety two million citizens is 28. Most delegates to the Twelfth Congress would agree which what matters now is ‘overall performance legitimacy’ – the good vibes that flow from firm, sound and merely leadership. Can the Celebration deliver?

    The Party still monopolises energy, but it no longer monopolises Vietnam’s political life. The Hanoi regime must contend with an internet-enabled chorus associated with dissidents who have grown steadily modern-day and persuasive in their research into the Party’s political underperformance. Online critics flay the regime as attentive of ‘the interests’, crony capitalists who are very apt to trade cash with regard to political favours.

    Assuming the prime minister’s slate will prevail, ‘the interests’ are likely to line up behind him or her rather than find themselves marginalised. Thus, an enormous majority of the renewed Central Committee membership may vote Dung and the protégés into power. May Dung then be in position in order to press a reform plan, to don the layer of a Vietnamese Lee Kuan Yew or Recreation area Chung-hee? Do not bet on it yet.

    By most accounts, Dung’s a shrewd opportunist who has reinvented himself following stumbling when the worldwide recession rolled over Vietnam and cratered their pet projects. Since then, Dung has responded to popular impatience for change. In a widely congratulated speech two years ago, the prime minister endorsed a radical idea: the job of the condition is to create conditions that permit ordinary citizens to release their creative potential. He’s populated his cabinet along with talented managers and now, it is stated, Dung listens attentively to the guidance offered by the nation’s brand new generation of bright, Western-trained economists.

    It is less the opposition of the Party’s dwindling band of ideologues compared to opportunists’ preference for the status quo that has blocked political and structural reform in the past and may achieve this in the future. The state’s direct control of many large enterprises has been a lucrative source of unlawful income for enterprise supervisors and for central and local officials. Similar opportunities abound in the conversion of agricultural land to other uses or the preferential supply of services. Such influence will not be lightly surrendered.

    Yet, the coming years are of critical importance in order to Vietnam’s aspirations to succeed in the global economy. It has a big but transient advantage: a hard-working, youthful and relatively low-cost workforce. It can benefit hugely from being the least developed member of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Currently, while trends are neutral to negative in additional East and Southeast Oriental nations, Vietnam will post much better than 6 percent GDP growth as well as nearly 10 percent export growth in 2015. Foreign investment is surging in from firms set on a piece of the TPP pie.

    This offers an extraordinary opportunity to integrate Vietnamese businesses into value chains upstream from the final assembly operations that have so far been their role. Vietnam’s ‘industrial deepening’ will build confidence that at the next dip in the economic cycle, investors will not abandon Vietnam for that place with the currently least expensive wages.

    To succeed as a reformer, Dung must pay particular attention to stimulating the actual domestic private sector. Maqui berry farmers should receive titles towards the fields they till. State enterprises that are both shattered and uncompetitive must be allowed to fail. None of this will fulfill the online dissidents or the Party’s ideologues, but the economic logic is persuasive. So is the political logic: decisive action will secure the Party’s command of Vietnam’s political heights for many years.

    Is Vietnam on the cusp of change? is republished with permission through East Asia Forum

  • Putting the Brakes on Overreaction to VW's Euro Influence

    Putting the Brakes on Overreaction to VW's Euro Influence

    Be careful not to exaggerate the euro's reaction in response to VW.

    The emission scandal at the world's second largest automaker, Volkswagen, offers reportedly "rocked" the German politics and business elites.  Some possess argued that it will rival the actual refugee challenge for Germany.  Other people have argued that it is a supply of euro weakness.

    To be sure, Volkswagen is the not first car maker caught manipulating its emissions tests. Ford did a similar thing with its vans in The late nineties.  Hyundai and Kia compensated $100 mln in fines last year for fixing their tests.

    This is not to justify in any way what Volkswagen has done, but simply to note that there is no precedent for this turning into some sort of systemic crisis.  One should not exaggerate its impact on the euro's exchange rate.  First, consider the euro-dollar's correlation using the DAX.  Conducting the correlation around the percentage change finds the actual correlation is -0.39 over the past 60 days and -0.45 over the past 30 days.  However, the inverse relationship is greater between the euro and also the S&P 500 than it is using the DAX at -0.52 and -0.Sixty for the past 60 and 30 days respectively.

    Second, here is a Great Graphic (made up on Blomberg) that shows the performance of Volkswagen ADR (whitened line) and the euro-dollar exchange price (yellow line).  The dinar rallied strongly in April through mid-May, while Volkswagen shares continued to trend lower.  Similarly, in the first part of 06, the euro appreciated without an interruption of Volkswagen's downtrend.  This particular happened again in late July.  When news of the scandal first broke, the euro had been coming off from its post-FOMC rebound.  

    Just because the Volkswagen scandal may not have larger capital market implications doesn’t take away from the gravitas of the situation.  Volkswagen employs 270k workers straight and even more indirectly through its suppliers.  The German car sector employs 775k people.  Autos and parts are the biggest German exports accounting for about 20% of roughly 200 bln euros.

    The good from US authorities may be a maximum of $18 bln.  There are also other lawful costs, including likely penalties from other authorities.  In addition, there are costs associated with the recall.  There may also brand costs and increased costs of production to fix the problem, let alone expenses associated with tougher regulation, which will be a probable consequence.  In terms of valuation, the market cap is lower by a little more than 20 bln euros.  The German auto industry also encounters headwinds from the Russian sanctions and also the slowdown in China.

    More broadly, the scandal comes at a time when many Germans find themselves in a crossroads.  Through the financial crisis and the sovereign debt crisis, Germany emerged as the regional hegemon, though many Germans would not accept that label.  Yet it is clear that France has been unable to match German economic prowess or competitor it for leadership within Europe, even if still may command key appointments in the multilateral institutions.  

    Germany was widely criticized for wanting strict enforcement of the controlling treaties associated with EMU, especially on fiscal exchanges.  After losing a election at the ECB, the Bundesbank participated in a finish run to the European Court of Justice.  The ECJ overruled the Bundesbank's objections.  Germany has additionally received criticism from the European union, the IMF, and the US because of its large current account surplus and the lack of stimulus to help offset the austerity in the periphery.  Most recently, criticism has been over displaying flexibility over the rules for its unilateral overture to take 800,000 refugees. 

    The Vokswagen scandal is much more embarrassing for the German model and conceit of rules-based society than material for the German brand.  Germany's two fears, being isolated or blamed for that destruction of Europe, is not at play here.  However, the German export associated with schadenfreude is fully in play.

    Volkswagen and the Euro: Preliminary Ideas is republished with permission from Marc to Market

  • Strengthening Economic Ties Across Asia

    Strengthening Economic Ties Across Asia

    South Asia could be key to integration in the face of a slowing China.

    As the world deals with the “brand new normal” of a slowing China, regional financial and economic plug-in is more important than ever, as well as South Asia is tactically poised to play an influential component.

    There are several reasons why it is time to take a fresh look at the potential bridging role of South Oriental economies in Asian plug-in.

    First, the South Asian financial systems — which comprise India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, the Maldives, Afghanistan and Bhutan — have a largely untapped market of about 1.7 billion people, and they belong to the South Asian Free Trade Area.

    Second, South Asia is one of the few bright spots for growth in a global economy that is adjusting by itself to China’s slowdown. South Asia as a whole grew at an annual rate of 6.3% from 2012 to 2014, coordinating the average growth rate for developing Asia in the same time period.

    The Asian Development Bank tasks South Asia’s growth in order to accelerate to 6.9% in 2015 and seven.3% in 2016, which exceeds forecasts for developing Asia. Both South Asia and developing Asia grew faster compared to industrialized economies of the Ough.S., Japan and European countries between 2012 and 2014.

    Third, the improved political environment in some Southern Asian countries is an attraction. For example, the pro-business government of Indian native Prime Minister Narendra Modi is implementing a new economic reform program plus an Act East Policy aimed at forging closer economic ties with important East Asian economies. Sri Lanka also has a new reform-minded government below President Maithripala Sirisena.

    Fourth, amid growing issues about aging populations in East Asian economies and the effects of a declining operating population, South Asia is blessed with a large as well as dynamic labor force.

    About 52% of Southern Asia’s population is of working age, defined as those age groups 15 and above. That figure is higher in several South Asian countries, including Bangladesh and Nepal.

    A cheap and increasingly well written workforce can help with the industrialization of South Asia as worldwide demand increases for supply chains and services, including in information technology, professional providers, tourism and construction.

    Furthermore, connecting emerging South Asia with the more developed countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations makes economic sense. It can create a huge regional marketplace of 2.3 billion people who can transform regional economies.

    On Nov. 22, at the ASEAN summit in Kuala Lumpur, leaders announced the actual launch of the ASEAN Community as well as ASEAN’s Vision beyond 2015.

    The end of 2015 saw the inauguration from the ASEAN Economic Community one of the three elements of the ASEAN Community, developing an integrated market and manufacturing base among the 10-member nations. This will create an ASEAN grouping along with 620 million people and a combined gross domestic product of $2.4 trillion. In addition, the opening up of Myanmar, which could serve as a gateway between Southern Asia and Southeast Asia, increases the potential for infrastructure-led integration.

    Unleashing investment

    A current study by the ADB and its affiliated ADB Institute titled “Connecting Southern Asia and Southeast Asia” highlights the potential for investments in facilities and associated soft facilities in furthering economic scarves between South Asia as well as Southeast Asia.

    The study found that the welfare gains from infrastructure-led integration are potentially big, amounting to at least $568 billion. Much more populous South Asia might gain $375 billion, while Southeast Asia could gain $193 million. Most participating countries display large gains, especially smaller South Asian countries.

    The best-case scenario with regard to deep integration will include removing all tariffs and a 50% reduction in nontariff barriers associated with South Asian and Southeast Asian trade, with a 15% reduction in trade costs reflecting improved trade facilitation and infrastructure investments.

    The study also found that only $73 billion is required to meet the total cost of infrastructure investments to link Southern Asia and Southeast Asia. This figure includes $34 million for railway projects, $18 billion for road projects, $11 billion for port projects as well as $10 billion for energy buying and selling projects.

    These estimates were based on an analysis of crucial infrastructure bottlenecks and the formulation associated with projects to alleviate them. These things cover projects directly related to creating new infrastructure between Southern Asia and Southeast Asian countries or upgrading existing cross-border hyperlinks. They do not include the cost of facilities projects within either South Asia or Southeast Asia.

    Infrastructure holes lie mainly in Myanmar, but gaps also exist in Bangladesh, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand and Vietnam. These relate primarily to missing road as well as railway links that need to be built, transport links, such as roads connecting major highways, that should be upgraded, incompatibilities in railway gauges that have to be overcome as well as railways that need to be modernized.

    Major ports, such as Kolkata, Chittagong and Yangon, suffer from constraints within capacity, efficiency and connectivity to road and rail networks. Various obstacles impede energy trading, including technical barriers related to grid synchronization, spaces in natural gas pipelines, as well as distorted energy pricing as well as subsidy regimes.

    The study also shows that public-private partnerships can help finance regional infrastructure projects, particularly in the region’utes more developed economies. Such projects are difficult to finance through private financial markets alone because of the high risks and lengthy gestation periods.

    The creation of a few demonstration PPP projects backed by capacity building and advisory providers is useful to increase demand for this kind of partnerships. Improving political danger guarantees, transparency, regulatory frameworks, coordination support and governance associated with PPP projects can stimulate the availability of such funds.

    Finally, the study suggests that coordinating the planning and execution of regional infrastructure projects is challenging. This is because of various overlapping regional institutions with different mandates and capacity to manage and finance infrastructure projects. Multilateral and regional development banks can play a useful role as honest brokers and provide knowledge to facilitate regional online connectivity.

    Looking Ahead

    Over time, the economic links in between South Asia and South Asia could be expanded to larger East Asian financial systems such as Japan and China through the Local Comprehensive Economic Partnership, a planned mega-regional trade group. Negotiations for that RCEP began in early 2013 among 16 economies, including the 10 ASEAN members, Japan, China, South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand.

    An eventual RCEP deal would cover trade in goods and services and establish investment rules, among other issues. The RCEP would be able to help stimulate the spread of sophisticated production networks and offer chains to South Asia. It would also create a large trade bloc representing 49% of the world’s population and 30% of its Gross domestic product.

    India is the only South Asian economy participating in the RCEP discussions. However, once an agreement is reached, probably in late 2016 or even early 2017, other South Asian economies may wish to join the process to avoid the economic and political pitfalls of being left out. A few commentators suggest that India might play a key role in advocating the case for such as its South Asian neighbours in the RCEP.

    There is a historic chance of South Asia to act as a bridge for Asian integration. Improved infrastructure between South Asia and Southeast Asian countries can lay the foundations with regard to deepening trade and investment relations with Japan, China along with other East Asian nations. Big mutual benefits can be expected for South Asian and Eastern Asian economies because of nearer regional integration and co-operation. In addition, the financial cost is likely to be manageable. With serious national and regional policy action, the integration of Southern Asia and East Asia can become a reality.

    South Asia could be linchpin for regional integration is republished with permission from Asian countries Pathways

  • Japan's Abe Affirms 'Comfort Women' Measures with South Korea

    Japan's Abe Affirms 'Comfort Women' Measures with South Korea

    Abe did not distance himself from the Kona Statement.

    On 28 December, the international ministers of Japan and South Korea announced that the issue associated with comfort woman was ‘solved finally and irreversibly’. Japanese Pm Shinzo Abe expressed anew ‘his the majority of sincere apologies and remorse to all the women who underwent immeasurable and painful experiences’.

    Japan also dedicated to contributing approximately one million yen (roughly US$10 million) to some foundation that the South Japanese government would establish to support former ‘comfort women’. For its component, the South Korean federal government ‘will strive to solve the actual issue’ of a commemorative statue built-in front of the Embassy of Japan in Seoul ‘in an appropriate manner’.

    In Next year, when Abe regained the post of prime minister, there were recommendations that he would keep their distance from the Kono Statement and not take further action to heal the ‘comfort women’ issue. Why then did Abe change his position?

    The agreement is perhaps not as surprising as it first seems. It is in line with Pm Abe’s positioning on the ‘comfort and ease women’ issue since April 2015.

    In Abe’utes visit to the United States in 04, he stated very clearly that ‘just like all my predecessors, my heart is aching for the immeasurable pain these women had to endure, and the 1993 Kono Statement is going to be maintained’. The language used by foreign minister Fumio Kishida on 28 December resembles the Kono statement, which Abe experienced already approved in April.

    Then in his August speech celebrating 70 years since the finish of World War II, Abe confirmed the most crucial part of the 1995 Murayama statement, ‘deep remorse and heartfelt apology for Japan’s actions during the war’, with concrete reference to the suffering associated with Asian people, including the Republic associated with Korea. He also stated that Japan should not to overlook ‘that there were women behind the battlefields whose honour as well as dignity were severely injured’.

    With this background Abe and South Japanese President Park Geun-hye had their own first bilateral meeting in early November, where they agreed to ‘continue and accelerate the consultation services [on the ‘comfort women’ issue] in order to conclude them as promptly because possible’. There was some hint that the issue could be resolved by the end of 2015 — the 50th anniversary from the normalisation of Japan–ROK relations.

    Whatever Abe’s original thinking, he has always been a pragmatist capable of listening to a wide range of sights. There are many reasons to prefer this particular new policy, including the moral authority that Japan could gain from resolving the issue, the importance of paying respect to sex issues in the 21st century, and the diplomatic demand for forging stable relations with South Korea given a increasing China. Such rational and pragmatic considerations likely outweighed Abe’s fundamental nationalist thinking. Except for his Yasukuni Shrine visit in December The year 2013, the past has shown Abe to be a pragmatist, especially on history issues.

    The United States’ position must have affected Abe too. US President Barack Obama has made it abundantly clear that the US was very unhappy with the tensions between its two most significant Northeast Asian allies, Asia and South Korea. The Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs also most likely played an important role advising Abe as well as finding the appropriate language as well as content for the agreement.

    Despite these key reasons for resolving the issue, it is still difficult to understand how Abe convinced his nationalist followers of his new position. However, the political reality is that Abe is the most powerful political leader that shares sympathy to the nationalists’ considering. Some nationalists have already begun protesting against the present agreement, but eventually they are bound to follow their leader’s decisions.

    It is more difficult to understand why the South Japanese government consented to the agreement. The agreement does not include an acknowledgement by Japan of its criminal and legal responsibility, which in fact had previously been a prerequisite for the South Korean civic movement. Possible reasons for this particular shift in policy include the All of us position, better balancing along with China and some domestic frustration at the lack of policy flexibility toward Japan.

    So is the recent agreement tenable and will both nations remain committed to it? That is certainly possible. However, the long-term achievement of the agreement depends on each side continuing to act in the spirit that led to this agreement: efforts to understand each other and also to find a mutually acceptable solution.

    For japan side, the agreement cannot be taken for granted. This is not the end of the actual ‘comfort women’ issue. In his August statement, Abe said that Japan should ‘not let our generations to come are predestined to apologise’. In addition, simultaneously, ‘Japanese, across generations, should squarely face the history of the past. We have the responsibility to end up with the past, in all humbleness, and pass it on to the future’. In this nature of humility and memories, will Japan implement what it has committed to and with patience wait for South Korea to implement their commitments?

    For South Korea, the task is no less difficult. Will the government succeed in convincing the civic motion around former ‘comfort women’, that has already voiced serious criticism, to soften their position and accept the government’s agreement with Japan?

    In the end, background is what one makes of it and there is no ultimate reason why the two nations cannot proceed further down the path of reconciliation.

    What is at the rear of Abe’s new position on ‘comfort women’? is republished with permission from East Asia Forum

  • New Market Crash Warning Sign Begins to Flash

    New Market Crash Warning Sign Begins to Flash

    stock-market-pad

    Forget Thanksgiving here in the US.

    It seems as though the most important day of the entire year for Americans is the day that follows Thanksgiving.

    That day time is ‘Black Friday’.

    Thanksgiving is a secular vacation rather than a religious holiday. Dark Friday is a secular event too.

    But it’s a different kind of event. Black Friday isn’t about spending time with family…it comes down to spending time fighting through the crowds of people at the malls to get the best sales items.

    However, based on recent years, the actual fighting has been less fierce. So what will this year’s Dark Friday tell us about the real strength of the US economy?

    According towards the National Retail Federation, Black Friday sales have fallen within the last two years. The recent peak with regard to Black Friday was in Next year, when Americans spent nearly US$60 billion:



    Source: National Retail Federation, Bloomberg

    By 2014, that number had fallen to US$50.9 billion.

    And if retailers hope for better this year, they may be disappointed. According to Bloomberg:

    The idea that consumers won’t spend without a few serious enticement got a increase on Wednesday, when Commerce Department figures showed household spending rose less than forecast in October. Purchases increased 0.1 percent for a second month, while the median predict of 74 economists in a Bloomberg survey called for a 0.3 percent advance.

    As the statement says, more discounting is good information for consumers. But discounting means lower profit margins. That should also mean lower earnings many and lower stock prices.

    It turns out that’s exactly what’s happening…

    There’s a lot of red in there

    When it comes to looking at the market, real analysis is better than guesswork.

    So, all of us looked at seven popular All of us retailers: Macy’s Inc [NYSE:M], Kohl’s Corporation [NYSE:KSS], Target Corp [NYSE:TGT], Wal-Mart Corporation [NYSE:WMT], Nordstrom Inc [NYSE:JWN], Abercrombie & Fitch [NYSE:ANF], and Foot Looker Inc [NYSE:FL].

    We’ve put these stocks into a table. It shows EBITDA margin (earnings before interest, tax, devaluation, and amortisation margin).

    We’ve chosen EBITDA border rather than net profit, because EBITDA doesn’t include taxes and non-cash items such as depreciation and amortisation, which can are more of an accounting item than a cashflow item.

    Here’s the table:



    Source: Bloomberg

    2012 is our starting place. After that, if the cell is green it means that seasons EBITDA Margin is greater than the previous year’s.

    If the cell is actually red, it means that year’s EBITDA Margin is less than the prior year’s. If the cell is white (except the 2012 column), it means that seasons EBITDA Margin is the same as the previous year’s.

    As you can see, there’s a lot of red through 2013 to 2015. And there’s a lot of red forecast for 2016 and 2017.

    It helps explain why the actual ETF of US retail shares, the SPDR S&P Retail ETF [NYSE:XRT], has started to fall because the middle of this year:



    Source: Bloomberg

    That’s a bad sign.

    The case is building for trouble ahead

    Even worse of these retailers is the potential for the united states Federal Reserve to raise interest rates within December.

    EBITDA doesn’t include interest. So EBITDA won’t show any kind of change to these retailers’ interest expenses.

    However, it will show the impact better interest rates in another way. That is, higher interest rates affect the spending habits of consumers. But higher rates of interest may affect supplier as well as input costs too.

    For example, if consumers have to set aside more of their salaries in the direction of higher interest repayments, which leaves them with less disposable income.

    And if suppliers or even transport companies try to spread higher costs, that will affect these retailers’ EBITDA Margins too.

    In short, this year we’ve brought numerous potential warning signs to your interest. You can add this to the checklist. On their own, none of them is a certain sign of a market crash. But combined, it’s building a case for trouble ahead.

    Stay razor-sharp. The next few weeks could be among the most volatile of the year.

    Cheers,
    Kris

  • Gross Short Currency Futures Rise off of Dollar Strength

    Gross Short Currency Futures Rise off of Dollar Strength

    As the dollar strengthened, speculators increased shorts on other currencies.

    There were three significant risky gross position adjustment one of the currency futures in the Commitment of Traders reporting week ending November 3.  They were all expanding the gross short positions. Speculators additional 30.9k contracts to raise the gross short dinar position to 207.2k.  It’s risen by 69k contracts in the past two weeks.

    The bears increased the web short yen position through 14.9k contracts to Eighty five.3k.  In the past two weeks, it has elevated by nearly 33k contracts.  The actual gross short Swiss franc position doubled to 24.8k contracts. This is the biggest jump in more than four years. 

    The jump in the yucky short franc position was adequate to swing the net placement from long 1.5k agreements to short 7.0k contracts.  Speculators were net really miss two weeks.  In contrast, speculators tend to be remain net long sterling futures, albeit marginally so (0.2k  contracts).  However, given sterling razor-sharp slide in recent times, many likely wished they had sold more. 

    Speculators added to gross short currency positions with minor exceptions in the Canada and New Zealand dollars.  Because of the newfound dollar bullishness, this is not surprising.  What’s surprising is that speculators additionally added to gross long currency futures positions.

    There were 2 minor exceptions, sterling, and the Canadian dollar, both slipped with a little more than 2k contracts.  The actual gross long peso position rose less by less than Twenty contracts, which we curved to zero.  

    The bears designed a significant stand in US Treasury futures.  The gross short placement jumped by 87.3k contracts, the most since March 2011, to 570.9k.  The bulls pared back, reducing 10% of gross long placement or 41.3k contracts in order to 406.6k.

    Since the end of the reporting period, the December 10-year note dropped a full point.  The net short position jumped to 164.3k contracts from -35.6k.  It is the third 7 days of net shorts.  In the middle of October, speculators were transporting a net long position (Seventeen.7k contracts). 

    Speculators in the oil market pulled back.  Both longs and shorts were trimmed.  The actual longs were shaved by Six.2k contracts, leaving 493.4k.  Almost 16k gross short contracts were covered.  The bears are holding on to 247.2k short connections.  The net long position increased by 9.6k contracts to 246.2k.

    Observations on the Speculative Placement in the Futures Market is republished with permission from Marc to Market